The dreadful silence of an outspoken poet
Richard Curtis
Wiji Thukul wrestled with the daily realities of poverty and violence. During the late New Order he was acknowledged as one of Indonesia's best poets, and he remains a standard bearer for radical grass roots democratic change. His celebrated catch cry, Hanya satu kata: Lawan!Peringatan (Warning, 1986). Striking workers and protesting students still use it. It seems incongruous that till recently little was done to investigate the mysterious disappearance two years ago of this important contributor to Indonesia's democratic movement. (There's only one word: Resist!) is taken from his poem.
Living in Solo, Central Java, Wiji Thukul always identified first as a poor urban kampung resident who faced the same struggles as his neighbours: factory workers, street hawkers and scavengers. The son of a pedicab driver and with limited formal education, he worked as a day labourer before assisting his wife, Sipon, a tailor, working from home. They have a daughter, Wani, and a small son, Fajar Merah. When I first met them in 1993 they were subsisting on about AU$2 per day.
Through the irony of bewilderment, Wiji Thukul's poem, An odd puzzle (1993, see box), articulates the frustration of working class families who struggle to obtain the most basic necessities. They work long hours, producing a myriad of products, most of which they can never afford. The poem evolved from an evening conversation at a roadside stall.
Wiji Thukul's searing commitment to real change was not only uncomfortable for Suharto's New Order. The pro-democratic pretensions of many 'progressive' intelligentsia did not escape his sting. His larrikinism at an all-Java poets' convention held in Solo in 1993 shattered the sombre atmosphere of their aloof readings on human rights. He engaged his enthusiastic audience with 'Displacing the clever people' (1993 - see language insert elsewhere in this edition). Thukul was wary of many 'cultural activists', students or NGOs who, despite much rhetoric, were unwilling to engage with the marginalised.
I remember a hilarious skit performed under Thukul's guidance by a group of local children to celebrate Independence Day in 1993. The children pretended to wash themselves in the public bath. They could never quite finish before someone pressed a buzzer informing them their time was up. Through play, music and theatre these children became critical observers of the social reality shaping their lives. Their parents were jailed for drinking, gambling or fighting, they were exploited as child labourers, a nearby dye factory dirtied their water, their homes were always flooding, they queued daily for the public amenities.
Thukul, and a few who dared to associate with him, were under continual surveillance. In December 1995 he almost lost an eye after he was bashed while security forces broke up a large protest he helped organise with local textile workers.
Around 1993-4 Thukul became affiliated with the PRD, a radical left-wing political party outlawed by the Suharto regime. Thukul headed the PRD's Peoples Art Network (Jakker). After the 27 July 1996 riot following the military-backed invasion of the PDI headquarters in Jakarta, the PRD were made scapegoats. Thukul went into hiding, as did other PRD leaders. Sipon and children met secretly with Thukul in December 1997, then lost contact with him. He was in contact with some of his friends up until April 1998.
When I met Sipon again in February this year, she recounted that for about two years after Thukul vanished she lived a sleepless nightmare of not knowing his fate. Her family was constantly harassed. She secretly burnt many reference materials critical of the New Order, and buried some of Thukul's more important writings, before security personnel entered the house and stole what was left. The family was isolated and the children's workshop disbanded as neighbours stayed away. Sipon lived in constant fear that her children might be kidnapped to draw Thukul out.
Though still deeply traumatised, Sipon has worked on courageously. She recently paid off a loan for a second, better sewing machine. Slowly winning back her neighbours, she has also recommenced the children's workshop.
There have been several unconfirmed sightings of Thukul over the last two years in Jakarta, Kalimantan and East Java. It is doubtful he ever left Indonesia. But it is difficult to understand why he should remain in hiding. PRD leader Budiman Sudjatmiko has said he fears Thukul became the victim of a government purge.
Sipon recently registered Thukul with Kontras, the Commission for Missing People and Victims of Violent Acts. Her determination attracted media attention. Two Yogyakarta groups, Taring Padi and FKRY, organised readings of his poetry and started a petition. They want Thukul's case raised as part of a full investigation into the 27 July incident.
Richard Curtis (curtisr@spectrum.curtin.edu.au) teaches at Curtin University in Perth, Australia. More information on Thukul is in his PhD thesis 'People, poets, puppets' (Curtin University, 1997). Readers who know of Wiji Thukul's whereabouts should contact Richard.
Inside Indonesia 63: Jul - Sep 2000
Terry Symonds interviews Muchtar Pakpahan
How important are international links to you?
Solidarity among the union movement is very important, whatever their own ideology. There are also a few Australian businesses in Indonesia, particularly in mining, so it is important that our unions fight together for solidarity.
What was SBSI's stand on East Timor?
My union and I myself were the first to fight for a referendum for East Timor - it was one reason Suharto put me in jail, as a 'subversive'. Before, I wanted East Timor to become one nation with us, but the people of East Timor decided to be free, and I honour their decision. For the future, I suppose the trade union role in Indonesia and Australia is to support our friends in East Timorese trade unions to build democracy, rule of law, justice and human rights in East Timor.
What role did the SBSI play in Indonesia's democratisation?
The SBSI was involved in bringing reformasi to Indonesia, and in electing the current president, Gus Dur. The role of the SBSI for the future is to support the government, as long as it still supports reformasi.
How much change has there been for workers?
It's not easy yet for us to organise. In Riau, two leaders of my union were sent to jail after striking to demand a wage increase. The police and FSPSI, the former government union, joined with the military to intimidate my members and send them to jail. Such cases are going on in a number of provinces.
What do you think of the current Minister of Manpower?
Bomer Pasaribu was involved in labour rights violations, particularly since 1985 when he became secretary-general of the FSPSI. Then as president of that union he twice was involved organising demonstrations to insist that the government punish me. When he became commissioner of Jamsostek, the company which administers social insurance for workers, the company was full of scandals. He 'marked up' the budget. He was corrupt, and the new attorney general is still investigating him. We would like international unions to insist that President Gus Dur replace Bomer Pasaribu, for the international good appearance of Indonesian workers. His is still the 'New Order' appearance.
What is the future for the SBSI?
First, we want to reform the labour laws produced by 32 years of New Order government. Now, there are no laws to protect workers - all the laws protect companies and the military. Second, we want many officials replaced, particularly in the military, police and the Department of Manpower. Third, we want to strengthen my union through education and training. By the end of 2001, we aim to have at least a million due-paying members. Finally, discrimination about race (Chinese and non-Chinese) and religion (Muslim and non-Muslim) is rising here. I believe that only the trade union movement can build real democracy, rule of law, human rights and anti discrimination.
Inside Indonesia 63: Jul-Sep 2000
Apr - Jun 2000
Politics and human rights
Aceh's pain-a future of war or peace?A human tragedy is occuring in Aceh that can't be ignored - Gerry van Klinken
From heroes to rebels Aceh: Jakarta's other colony? - Sylvia Tiwon
Whither Aceh? Updating events in the troubled province - Ed Aspinall
A widow's notes Yet another violent death in a small Acehnese village - Syarifah Mariati
The structure of military abuses Lying or semantics? A need to understand military definitions - Doug Kammen
More than meets the eye A close look at the new president - Greg Barton
The Banyuwangi murders Examining the deaths of 100 black magic practitioners - Jason Brown
George McT Kahin (1918-2000) Goodbye to America's foremost Indonesian scholar - Daniel S Lev
Society and economy
The new Timor Gap What will Australia do now? - Geoff McKee
Women workers still exploited The publicity hasn't dramatically changed Nike's policies - Peter Hancock
Environment
The world is not (green) enough Trying to slow climate change - Agus P Sari
Box - What is climate change? Agus P Sari
Sinking carbon in Kalimantan CDM could help Indonesia's forests - Merrilyn Wasson
Culture
Semsar Siahaan - Hero into exile Where to now for the anti-Suharto artist? - Astri Wright
Regulars
Newsbriefs
The net
Bookshop
Inside Indonesia 62: Apr-Jun 2000
Jan - Mar 2000
Politics and human rights
After fear, before justice Australia and Indonesia in 100 years - Richard Tanter
End of the Jakartan empire? Reflecting on the Wahid presidency - Michael van Langenberg
Eight surprises Profiles of eight cabinet members
Nationalism 50 years ago the world embraced Indonesia - Goenawan Mohamad
Out of the tiger's teeth The inside story of East Timor's ballot - Helene van Klinken
Humanity, not fascism! An Indonesian eyewitness to East Timor's destruction - Yeni Rosa Damayanti
Why West Papua deserves another chance The 1969 UN ballot broke all the rules - Sam Blay
West Papua in 1999 An urban movement pushes for change - Nina FitzSimons
Aceh's causes Conversation with an activist - Maree Keating
Society and economy
The case for debt relief An Indonesian NGO appeal - Binny Buchori and Sugeng Bahagijo
Business and pleasure Indonesia's super-wealthy love their money - Veven Wardhana and Herry Barus
Environment
Gutted by greed Illegal loggin in Indonesia's parks - Julian Newman
Culture
Back to the future Democracy in old South Sulawesi manuscripts - Elizabeth Morrell
Mao's ghost in Golkar A 1960s slogan survives - Julie Shackford-Bradley
The language of the gods A playwright backgrounds his creation - Louis Nowra
Regulars
Editorial
Newsbriefs
Standard Tetum-English dictionary Review: How standard? - Catharina van Klinken
The green iguana Review: Goodfellow has drawn on his deep knowledge of Indonesia to excavate from daily events the realities that lie behind them - Ron Witton
Bookshop
Inside Indonesia 61: Jan-Mar 2000
Oct - Dec 1999
Politics and human rights
On the mend The election renews some hopes - Laine Berman
Sex, money, power Tabloids go sensational - John Olle
Fifty years ago Sukarno flashback - Damien Kingsbury
Aceh's failed election Australian team finds no euphoria - Vanessa Johanson
Box - The sultan will be Dr Hasan Tiro Interview with "Free Aceh" fighter - Vanessa Johanson
Lost and found How the world rediscovered the Timor cause - Geoffrey Gunn
Whisky friends PNG military and TNI get together - Andrew Kilvert
What caused the Ambon violence? A corrupt civil service is to blame - Gerry van Klinken
Banda burns Fear and hatred spreads in the Moluccas - Phillip Winn
A peaceful road to freedom Riau wants freedom and more money - Freek Colombijn
Society and economy
This complex crisis Indonesia's crisis two years on - John Maxwell
Environment
Dirty landlord Local views on Sulawesi's Inco mine - Roger Moody
Revisiting Inco Reformasi hits Sulawesi's 'Freeport' - Kathryn Robinson
Culture
Star wars Presidential PR Indonesian style - Marshall Clark
Teachers do it Indonesian teachers get together - Lee Herden
Travel
Sumatra by bus From bottom to top by bus - Jim Della-Giacoma
Regulars
Editorial
Your say
Newsbriefs
The politics of environment in Southeast Asia-Resources and resistance Review:A new, engaging collection of writing on environmental disputes in Southeast Asia - Vanessa Johansen
From the place of the dead-the epic struggles of Bishop Belo of East Timor Review: Biographies of even undisputed heroes can be problematic - Robin Osbourne
The book bridge Review: Lontar books open a window on the hidden lives of ordinary Indonesians - Carl Hennessy
Indonesia on the net Resources on two troubled regions: Aceh and Irian Jaya - Ed Aspinall and Iain Wilson
Bookshop
Inside Indonesia 60: Oct-Dec 1999
July - Sep 1999
Politics and human rights
Escape from the past?
The June national elections - Gerry van Klinken
Will Indonesia break up?
The regions are revolting - Anne Booth
The Russian road
Indonesia and Russia compared - Anders Uhlin
Mobilise or perish
Not a good year for student demonstrators - Dave McRae
The mayor who fell down the well
Reformasi in a country town - Anton Lucas
Romo Mangun, activist
Tribute to an Indonesian prophet - Nico Schulte Nordholt
Indonesians for East Timor
Solidarity for self-determination - James Goodman
Horta bears the torch
The end of a long struggle is in sight - Conan Elphicke
Society and economy
Forgotten refugees of Buton
Muslim refugees from Ambon - Elizabeth Fuller Collins
Flesh trade of Sumatra
Trafficking in young girls - Ahmad Sofian
Wheels for awareness
Fiona and Mia's big bikeride - Helena Spyrou
Blacksmith boom
The crisis is not all bad news - Lea Jellinek
Culture
Trepang
The Aborigine-Indonesia trepang link - Alan Whykes
Travel
Hiking Timor's tops
Mountain climbing in East Timor - Mike Davis
Regulars
Editorial
Newsbriefs
On the net
Bookshop
Inside Indonesia 59: Jul-Sep 1999
when will they end?
Tapol is short for tahanan politik, or political detainee. It refers most often to the 1.5 million alleged communist sympathisers who were detained after the coup attempt of 30 September 1965 (there are lesser numbers of tapol from later pogroms). These were the survivors - between 200,000 and 500,000 were massacred. Only a handful were ever sentenced and are referred to as napol, narapidana politik or political criminals. About 10,000 tapol and napol were shipped to Buru Island after 1969 and not released until 1979, when international pressure grew too strong. Even those detained only briefly were stigmatised by the letters ET, ex-tapol, on their identity card. There are still 13 in gaols in Indonesia, some still with pending death sentences.
Before being freed, tapol and napol had to sign a declaration that they would not demand compensation. Despite a government order to return their possessions, in reality nobody has successfully reclaimed their books, land and homes. As late as December 1998, a Jakarta court ruled that Indonesia’s most famous tapol, novelist Pramudya Ananta Toer, could not have the house back that was taken off him by the military in 1965.
Tapol/ napol were not permitted:
To work in any form of government service, nor in any state-owned corporation, strategic industry, political party, or news media. They were not permitted to become a minister in any religion, a teacher, village head, lawyer, or puppeteer (dalang);
To vote or be elected;
To obtain a passport and travel overseas, even for medical treatment (some allowance was made for those going to Mecca on pilgrimage);
To choose where to live or to move house freely. Ignorant officials made life difficult, and all the procedures cost money;
To obtain credit from the bank, even when they fulfill other requirements;
To receive the pensions to which they are entitled from their former employers when they were sacked in 1965.
They are still required to report regularly and are then given paternalistic ‘guidance’ - the frequency often depending on the whim of the local official.
The government greatly feared the moral influence tapol/ napol might have on their family and even friends. For anyone to qualify for employment in the job categories mentioned in 1 above, all candidates had to establish they had a ‘clean environment’ (bersih lingkungan), ie. they were not related to a tapol/ napol. Regulation No.6 of 1976 established the screening process. All close relatives were affected, as well as anyone who may have paid for the education of the tapol/ napol. It was a system of collective punishment.
As part of ‘reformasi’, some of these regulations have been lifted - including the ‘clean environment’ rule and the ban on voting. The ET label on identity cards has been officially removed since August 1995. But the communist party remains banned. And there has still been no wholesale amnesty for the 1965 tapol/ napol.
Inside Indonesia 58: Apr-Jun 1999
The Women’s Congress was held in Yogyakarta 14-18 December 1998, to coincide with the 70th anniversary of the first All-Indonesia Women’s Congress (Kongres Perempuan Indonesia), which was also held in Yogya in 1928.
A committee of five from Jakarta were the main organisers. Among them were Nursyahbani Katjasungkana, Indonesia’s foremost feminist lawyer, and Australian-trained political scientist Chusnul Mar’iyah.
The congress was replete with historical resonances. The organisers wanted to hark back to the Kongres Perempuan of 1928, seeing a particular strength in the term perempuan (woman) over wanita (lady, the common New Order term for women). They also wanted to distinguish themselves from Kowani (Kongres Wanita Indonesia), which replaced the original Kongres Perempuan and which was later so thoroughly co-opted by the New Order.
Among the historically important figures in attendance was the octogenarian S K Trimurti, a nationalist, the first woman to hold a ministerial position in Indonesia (1947-48), and a national treasure. More remarkably, the first speaker at the seminar was Sulami – a former leader of Gerwani, incarcerated for almost two decades and speaking publicly for the first time since 1965.
Chusnul Mar’iyah in her opening speech stressed that the issues of most concern to women
should be placed on the political agenda of all the parties that will contest Indonesia’s first real election since 1955 this year. Nursyahbani Katjasungkana spoke of the need to recognise differences between the various groups of women.
Three particularly divisive issues surfaced on the second and third days of the congress. These were the inclusion of Gerwani and thus the legitimisation of communism, the inclusion of lesbians, and finally and most contentiously the centralism of Jakarta. There were strident debates and several disruptive tactics. A walk-out aimed to register a protest against what some saw as the Jakarta feminists’ overly radical and ‘fashionable’ agenda. It became so difficult for the Jakarta committee that an alternative committee of three non-Jakarta delegates had to be elected to chair the congress proceedings.
At one point in the proceedings a labourer, baby at her breast, took the microphone demanding to be heard, despite question time being over. Very eloquently she drew attention to the struggle of workers to find a voice in such a forum. This was not to be just a talk-fest for the Jakarta elite.
Many felt disappointed that the congress was unable to fully express the feeling of solidarity with which it had been originally conceived. But most felt it was an achievement to have come together as women from all over Indonesia and from all walks of life. For the first time in a generation they were able to express their views without constraints. The networking that went on was probably of far greater importance than the congress itself.
A presidium consisting of 14 representatives was elected with Nursyahbani as the Secretary General. This presidium, responsible for implementing decisions of the congress, comprises all groups represented at the congress, including farmers, labourers, lesbians and prostitutes. This is the first time that the claims of some of these groups as women have been recognised.
Inside Indonesia 58: Apr-Jun 1999
Y B Mangunwijaya (always known as Romo Mangun) died of a heart attack on 10 February 1999, moments after presenting a paper at a Jakarta symposium. On 6 May 1999 he would have turned 70.
In Yogyakarta where he was buried, and in the Jakarta Cathedral beforehand, thousands came to mourn, among them President Habibie and Sri Sultan Hamengkubowono X. There were street kids, politicians, military officers, students, and East Timor activists.
Mangun was known as an architect, novelist, artist, social worker, parish priest, but above all as someone who always sided with the poor. In 1989 he took up the cause of farmers displaced by the giant Kedung Ombo dam. In 1984 he went on a hunger strike on behalf of squatters living under the bridge at Yogyakarta’s Code River.
He always wanted Catholics to do the best for the downtrodden, but never in order to catholicise them. He once told a Muslim friend: ‘Be a pious Muslim’. Most of all he was a teacher. His Basic Education Institute (DED) focused on primary age children. He had many friends among the young. Damairia Pakpahan, one of the young people who often accompanied him, wrote: ‘I feel he gave me an inner toughness with the stories of his own life as we traveled around Central Java, or in our work at Code River. Amidst our often depressing struggles he opened a critical dimension’.
(Inside Indonesia interviewed him in edition no.24, October 1990).
Inside Indonesia 58: Apr-Jun 1999
Parliament on 28 January approved the legal foundation that will govern the new political party system and the ‘99 election. A complete draft of the law had not yet emerged by mid-February. Here we note some points crucial for the outcome and credibility of the election.
Jim Schiller
Political Parties
With over 140 parties there will be clashes over who has the right to use similar names and symbols.
To be eligible to participate, parties must have executive boards in 9 (out of 27) provinces, and in half the towns and districts in each of those provinces.
New parties will need at least 10 seats in the national assembly to stand at the 2004 election.
An advisory team of 11 reputable individuals headed by Dr Nurcholish Madjid has been appointed to consider applications by the 140+ political parties to compete.
Candidates will be elected proportionally by province (thus not on a district basis as initially envisaged), but a party's winning candidates will be chosen on the basis of district results.
Managing the election
Election committees (KPU) at various levels will manage the campaign and election. All parties are represented, but government retains 50% of the votes. This is an improvement. However, some party seats will go to Golkar, so the government is likely to have a majority.
Independent Indonesian and international observers will be permitted to monitor the election. Management of the election will be more transparent than ever before. The risk of getting caught for those tempted to intimidate voters will be far greater.
The armed forces
The number of unelected Abri seats in the People’s Consultative Assembly MPR (super-parliament) has been reduced from 75 to 38. But this could still make the armed forces the 5th or 6th biggest faction in the MPR! In provincial and local assemblies they have been reduced to 10% of the seats.
Civil service
Parliament could not agree on whether civil servants should be politically neutral. The government then issued a compromise regulation, one it modified two days later. The regulation allows civil servants to vote and, provided they take leave from office, to join political parties. The revised regulation allows for one year of leave on basic pay. However, the ‘neutrality’ of the civil service can still be easily circumvented. Local civil servants could have their spouses or children run for office, or just take leave and accept payment from Golkar or other parties to make up for salary loss.
Electing the president
The new MPR will have 700 seats (old MPR 1000).
238 Seats will be appointed (old MPR 575), including 38 military, 135 regional and 65 group representatives.
Two big questions remain. Who will choose the 65 group representatives - newly elected national and local assemblies, or the present Golkar and army controlled assemblies? The law says they will be decided by the groups themselves! By what procedure will the new MPR elect the president? For example, if there are many candidates, will the candidate with the most votes win, or will a 50% + 1 majority be required?
Provincial and local elections
Local politics has the best prospects for empowering ordinary Indonesians and for giving the election credibility. Provincial and local assemblies will be elected at the same time as national assemblies, but there has been almost no public debate on how this will happen.
Inside Indonesia 58: Apr-Jun 1999
April - June 1999
Politics and human rights
Off to the polls
The June Election - Jim Schiller
box - The electoral reforms - Jim Schiller
New Order old school
Opposition leaders are afraid - Arief Budiman
Blood in the streets
Demos reek of melodrama - Chris Brown
Not reformasi, transformasi
Student demands are too timid - Y B Mangunwijaya
Box - A hero passes on
Habibie's fling
The President wants a TV station - Ishadi S K
Tommorrow, in Timor Lorosae
Suddenly, freedom in East Timor is no longer a distant dream. -
Richard Tanter
Women on the move
Conference report - Krishna Sen
Box - Women's Congress
Coming out
For 32 years (ex)political prisoners were condemned to a life of
misery - Helene van Klinken
Box - Tapol troubles - When will they end?
Tragedy in Sumba
Analysis of a massacre - David Mitchell
Back on the beat?
Reforming the police - Adrianus Meliala
Society and economy
The price of rice
The role of Bulog - Jeremy Mulholland and Ken Thomas
Environment
Palm oil
Bad news for forests and people - Eric Wakker
Culture
Lightning!
Witty political theatre - Barbara Hatley
Travel
Climb a mountain
Eco-tourism in Sulawesi - Allyson Lankester
Regulars
Editorial
Your say
Newsbriefs
Reviews 1 - Kingsbury
Reviews 2 - Berman
On the net
Indonesian democracy on the net - Waruno Mahdi
Inside Indonesia 58: Apr-Jun 1999
January - March 1999
Helping a neighbour
The new poor
Upwardly immobilised by the crisis - Lea Jellinek
Shelter from the rain
The crisis closes a shelter for steet kids - Jane Eaton
Tough, poor, unbeaten
On Atauro, drought is the real crisis - Gabrielle Samson
Help that helps
Targetting small business and farming - Vanessa Johanson
Globalisation challenge
Western economic control is the issue - Wim Wertheim
Pak Wertheim
Obituary - Herb Feith
No turning back
NGOs consider their responsibilities - INFID
Australia's response
Aid must address governance and rights - Philip Eldridge
Politics and human rights
Megamania!
Megawati's PDI triumph - Stefan Eklof
No shortcut to democracy
It's all about good policies and good institutions -
Olle Tornquist
Islamic conversations
Four Islamic leaders talk - Hisanori Kato
Who plotted the 1965 coup?
Colonel Lafief says he knows - Greg Poulgrain
Aceh exposed
A legacy of abuse and hurt - IRIP News Service
In the tiger's den
Marwan Yatim's story of torture - Marwan Yatim
Culture
Flower in the grass
Interview with Nyi Supadmi - Jody Diamond
Cockroach
Not a pest but an award winning comic - Laine Berman
Reviews
Beyond the horizon - Ron Witton
Saman - Marshall Clark
Travel
A river runs through it
Journey to a Sumatran village - Jim Della-Giacoma
Regulars
Editorial
Your say
Newsbriefs
Bookshop
The net
Inside Indonesia 57: Jan-Mar 1999
Oct-Dec 1998
15th Anniversary
Learning to talk
Habibie's weakness is a plus - Gerry van Klinken
Ballot ballet
The May 1999 elections - Kevin Evans
Raising the West Papua flag
Eyewitness account of demonstrations - Andrew Kilvert
Remembering May
Day of no laws
An Australian amid the Jakarta riots - Vanessa Johanson
Cleansing the earth
How the arts community took part - Marshall Clark
Jakarta's May Revolution
A comparison with other movements - Aboeprijadi Santoso
The morning after...
Habibie: those for and against - Loren Ryter
Rape is rape
Shocking report of Jakarta rapes - Sandyawan Sumardi
Orphans no more
Yogya had the biggest demo - Dwi Marianto
Economy and society
Who murdered the rupiah?
Expert comment on the fiscal crash - Sritua Arief
Tommy's toys trashed
The car industry and Suharto's son - Ian Chalmers
Women do it tough
How the crisis is affecting women - Charlene Darmadi
Worshipping cancer sticks
Cigarette consumption in Indonesia - Catherine Reynolds
Environment
'They just want love...'
Saving the orangutans - Willie Smits
Regulars
Editorial
Your say
Newsbriefs
Bookshop
On the net
Ed Colijn
Inside Indonesia 55: Oct-Dec 1998
The Suharto Government's political prisoners have only very rarely been allowed to speak. Here, for the first time, we have an autobiographical story written by a woman, the wife of an ex-tapol, the mother of his child.
The following excerpts are taken from a diary of letters kept by an Australian woman who lived in Java, Kalimantan and Bali for nine years. In this letter, written in January 1978, the author describes her visit to a detention camp for women political prisoners Just after Christmas 1977. The prisoners have since been released.
The letter begins with a description of the long drive from Semarang west to Pelantungan where the camp was located up in the mountains. The visit was arranged by a Dutch pastor, 'Co'. Fenton-Huie was accompanied by the pastor's wife, Phia, and a Dutch nursing sister, Truus. After abandoning their car which could not travel the last stretch of the rough rocky road, the women had to walk the final kilometres to the camp, which also held 40 delinquent boys. The visitors shared a simple Indonesian meal in the house of one of the guards before entering 'a large barracks-type hall' to witness the camp's Christmas concert.
This short story, written by an ex-political prisoner, has never been published in its original Indonesian version. We cannot disclose the author's real name or the various pseudonyms under which she has been publishing since her release.
A member of Gerwani, a women's organisation with alleged connections with the Indonesian Communist Party, banned since the so-called coup of September 1965, the author seems to have started writing fiction only after her detention. The experience colours much of her writing.
Most of her short stories are about the down and out, the women whom poverty has driven to theft, begging and prostitution, the 'criminals' (or were they the victims?) with whom the author shared her prison cells.