Never againFrankly, as we began preparing this edition ahead of Indonesias first
democratic elections in 44 years, I expected there to be more joy and optimism than there
is in the pieces that make it up. Suharto is gone, the military is under enormous pressure
to justify its existence on the political stage, press freedom is wide open, political
parties and labour unions are free to organise.
There is a deal of euphoria of course, also in the articles you are
about to read. Women are on the move with surging energy. The environmental movement is as
vigorous as ever. And East Timor could be free within a year.
And yet there is more anxiety than euphoria. Fear that a history of
fraudulent New Order elections may have permanently ruined the chances of holding a fair
one. Dismay that the military will still refuse to allow the police to civilianise once
more. Dread also of the demons within society itself. Even in a remote place like Sumba
that has been peaceful for decades there is now conflict between neighbours. Exasperation
that even the most radical pro-democracy activists, the students, are not radical enough
to really demand total transformation (this last one was pointed out by the remarkable
Mangunwijaya, who died aged nearly 70 as we went to press).
But of course it was naïve to think that all would be rosy once
Suharto was gone. You build a system on state-orchestrated violence for three decades and
then it collapses. When the dust cloud clears what do you see? Certainly not a fully
functional democratic system. You will see ruins, and feel a sense of anxiety.
So why burden readers in societies whose economies are humming along
and whose democratic institutions actually seem to work with such gloomy reporting? For
lots of reasons to do with human solidarity and just plain neighborliness, first of all.
But also because we can draw immensely valuable lessons here about
the end result of authoritarianism. For years the West had little trouble thinking of
Suhartos regime as just something that suited Indonesians, who after all hold Asian
values dear. Anyway, it was delivering the goods of economic growth. Now the long-term
consequences of that view are becoming clear. Authoritarianism, militarism, elitism,
kills. It kills individual victims, it also kills civic institutions. The lesson surely
is: whatever the future holds, never again a military dictator, never again the short-cut
to prosperity that Suharto offered.
Gerry van
Klinken